OUR FOREFATHERS’
COVENANTS
Part 19
April 17, 2020
Let's talk about
someone whose name is synonymous with education and learning, and someone whose
name is likely more used today than even that of George Washington. We're
talking, of course, about Daniel Webster, whose name is on the overwhelming
majority of the dictionaries used in schools and institutions of higher
learning.
Born
January 18, 1782 in Salisbury, New Hampshire, Daniel Webster was a skinny lad
who had a personal terror of public speaking. Funny thing. For a
fellow who had such a fear of facing the public, he sure overcame it!
The
son of rather poor parents, Ebenezer and Abigail Webster, Daniel began to show
promise of exceptional brilliance even at an early age. In recognition of
his service in the French and Indian War, Daniel's father was granted a small
parcel of land in New Hampshire which he industriously and effectively
farmed. It provided enough of an income to the family such that Ebenezer
and Abigail decided to sacrifice any extras for several years so that Daniel
could be privately tutored -- even before he reached the normal age to begin
his public education.
Daniel
Webster had a unique talent. He was born with, and even improved upon, a
photographic memory. He had the ability to see something just once and
retain it to the finest detail in memory.
While
still young, his parents sent him off to Philips Exeter Academy for nine
months. The academic brilliance he demonstrated earned him the
opportunity to attend Dartmouth College where he graduated Phi Beta Kappa just
after his 19th birthday in 1801. Prompted by classmates and instructors,
he began using his memory skills while still at Dartmouth to begin writing
speeches for others.
Invited
to join the United Fraternity Literary Society, he overcame his fear of public
speaking sufficiently that he began to engage in public debate. Webster's
obvious genius for memorization was an enormous help in recalling precise
detail, and he put it to good use in public speeches.
So
skilled did he become at public speaking that he was invited to deliver
Hanover's Independence Day oration on July 4th of 1801. It was only
natural, therefore, that he would be invited to apprentice as a lawyer.
In 1805, Daniel Webster opened his first law office in Boscawen, New Hampshire,
and two years later turned it over to his father (who prospered in some measure
as a result of his son's prominence) when he opened another office in
Portsmouth.
The
following year, at age 26, he married Grace Fletcher. They had one son
together, Charles Webster. Grace died in the 20th year of their marriage.
With
people like John Jay, James Madison and Alexander Hamilton publishing their
Federalist Papers and inspiring many of those fellow-countrymen to become part
of the newly-formed Federalist Society, it didn't take long for Webster to
become a member. It didn't hurt, of course, that Daniel's father,
Ebenezer, had become a Federalist.
It
took no time whatever for his peers in the Federalist Society to realize they had
a gem on their hands in Webster. His ability to retain information and
knowledge, coupled with his developed (and developing) speaking skills made him
the ideal articulate spokesman for their political views. At the same
time, his skills were put to work as he took on some rather high profile cases
as an attorney, prosecuting cases against the likes of Jeremiah Mason.
In
1812, Daniel Webster was elected as New Hampshire's representative to the U.S.
House of Representatives, largely because of his opposition to the War of 1812
which had crippled New England's shipping and international trade. He
served two terms in the U.S. House, leaving Congress in 1816.
After
leaving Congress, he moved to Boston where he used his legal acumen to play a
huge part in the defense of the Constitution. At the same time, his past
participation in Congress caused the beginning of a transition and shift in his
political views. He was called upon to argue some of the nation's most
high-profile cases before the Supreme Court (and in particular, DARTMOUTH
COLLEGE v. WOODWARD, and GIBBONS v. OGDEN, along with MCCULLOCH v.
MARYLAND). His oratory before the Supreme Court firmly established him as
the nation's leading Constitutional lawyer.
In
1823, now at age 35, Daniel Webster was returned to Congress -- this time as a
Representative for the State of Massachusetts. Four years later, he was
elected as a U.S. Senator. The Federalist Party now dead and an icon of
history, Webster chose to join what was then called the National Republican
Party (the Whigs, for short). His political views had undergone
considerable change as he recognized the impracticality of some of his previous
Federalist positions.
Losing
a race in 1836 for the Presidency on the Whig ticket, he nonetheless gained
more in national prominence, and when William Henry Harrison ran for President
in 1840, he was offered the position of Vice-President. He declined with
a dry but humorous phrase he would use again eight years later when Zachary
Taylor ran for Presidency, "I do not propose to be buried until I am
dead."
He
did, however, accept Harrison's offer to become Secretary of State, and it was
a position he held during the Tyler administration following Harrison's
death. In 1845, he was reelected to the Senate where he took up a very
strong abolitionist stance, allying himself with Henry Clay and John C.
Calhoun. When Henry Clay proposed what later became the Compromise of
1850 in which an effort was made to make peace between the northern non-slave
and southern slave states, and Webster joined his effort, preachers vilified
him with the kinds of accusations we've heard in the past few years against
President Bush.
Rev.
Theodore Parker said in one of his sermons that, "No living man has
done so much to debauch the conscience of the nation." Horace
Mann described him as being "a fallen star! Lucifer descending from
Heaven!" James Russell Lowell called Webster, "the most
meanly and foolishly treacherous man I ever heard of." Webster's
attempt to bring a compromise between the North and South cost him dearly in
public opinion, and he never regained his popularity.
Riding
his horse one October day in 1852 at his home in Marshfield, Massachusetts, the
horse suddenly reared knocking Webster from his seat. The fall caused a
crushing blow to his head, and he died the morning of October 24, 1852 from a
resulting brain hemorrhage.
Over
the years, Daniel Webster had given some notable and some phenomenal
speeches. He never argued anything for the sake of political expediency,
and because he believed so firmly in the causes he represented, his arguments
gained all the more in forcefulness.
It
was in 1820 that a decision was made to separate Maine from the Commonwealth of
Massachusetts. Massachusetts' Constitution to this time was the same one
adopted in 1780. Inasmuch as its constitution was an adaptation of John
Winthrop's original charter which held (in part) that "no man shall be
qualified to hold office unless he be a Christian, swearing allegiance to Jesus
Christ," delegates thought to modify the wording so that "a simple
oath of allegiance to the Commonwealth, together with the oath of office,
should be taken by all persons chosen or appointed to office. . . . and that a
profession of belief in the Christian religion no longer be required as a
qualification for office." (source: The Writings and Speeches of Daniel
Webster, Little, Brown & Co., Boston 1903)
Daniel
Webster was the chairman of this convention and he took to the floor to argue
against this change. His speech was easily one of the most powerful and
effective in his entire life and career. It puts the lie to the specious
"separation of church and state" claim of the liberal left,
demonstrating constitutionally the right of the people to make such requirements
without impinging on the liberties of those who choose otherwise.
Following
is a small extract of Webster's speech:
"It is obvious that the principal alteration proposed by the
first resolution is the omission of the declaration of belief in the Christian
religion as a qualification for office in the cases of the governor,
lieutenant-governor, councilors, and members of the legislature. I shall
content myself on this occasion with stating, shortly and generally, the
sentiments of the select committee, as I understand them, on the subject of
this resolution.
Two questions naturally present themselves. In the first place, Have the people
a right, if in their judgment the security of their government and its due
administration demand it, to require a declaration of belief in the Christian
religion as a qualification or condition of office? On this question, a
majority of the committee held a decided opinion. They thought the people had
such a right. By the fundamental principle of popular and elective governments,
all office is in the free gift of the people. They may grant or they may
withhold it at pleasure; and if it be for them, and them only, to decide
whether they will grant office, it is for them to decide, also, on what terms
and what conditions they will grant it. Nothing is more unfounded than the
notion that any man has a right to an office. This must depend on the choice of
others, and consequently upon the opinions of others, in relation to his
fitness and qualification for office. No man can be said to have a right to
that which others may withhold from him at pleasure.
There are certain rights, no doubt, which the whole people, or the government
as representing the whole people, owe to each individual in return for that
obedience and personal service, and those proportionate contributions to the
public burdens which each individual owes to the government. These rights are
stated with sufficient accuracy, in the tenth article of the Bill of Rights, in
this constitution. “Each individual in
society has a right to be protected by it in the enjoyment of his life,
liberty, and property, according to the standing laws." Here is no right of office enumerated; no
right of governing others, or of bearing rule in the State. All bestowment of
office remaining in the discretion of the people, they have of course a right
to regulate it by any rules which they may deem expedient. Hence the people, by
their constitution, prescribe certain qualifications for office respecting age,
property, residence, and taxation. But if office, merely as such, were a right
which each individual under the social compact was entitled to claim, all these
qualifications would be excluded. Acknowledged rights are not subject, and
ought not to be subject to any such limitation. The right of being protected in
life, liberty, and estate is due to all and cannot be justly denied to any,
whatever be their age, property, or residence in the State.
These qualifications, then, can only be made requisite as conditions for office
on the ground that office is not what any man can demand as matter of right but
rests in the confidence and good-will of those who are to bestow it. In short,
it seems to me too plain to be questioned that the right of office is a matter
of discretion and option, and can never be claimed by any man on the ground of
obligation. It would seem to follow, then, that those who confer office may
annex any such conditions to it as they think proper. If they prefer one man to
another, they may act on that preference. If they regard certain personal
qualifications, they may act accordingly, and ground of complaint is given to
nobody. Between two candidates otherwise equally qualified, the people at an
election may decide in favor of one because he is a Christian and against the
other because he is not. They may repeat this preference at the next election
on the same ground and may continue it from year to year."
As
David Barton (President and Chairman of WallBuilders)
notes, "Daniel
Webster's remarks regarding the committee's report provides compelling
reasoning which should be considered by every American voter today. Webster's
comments emphasize the importance of Christian leaders and Christian principles
in civil government."
We've
spent most of today's Coffee Break dealing with the historical outline of
Daniel Webster's life, but I'd like to cover more of his speech to the
Massachusetts Constitutional Convention next week, along with portions of other
speeches and forceful arguments in favor of Christianity and Christians in
government.
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not yet, anyway.
Blessings on you!
Regner
Regner A. Capener
CAPENER MINISTRIES
RIVER WORSHIP CENTER
Temple, Texas 76502
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